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INDIA’S RETURN TO ITS CENTRAL ASIAN NEIGHBOURHOOD

Published 28 Aug 2026. Access the PDF directly or read the stored explanation below.

UPSC Editorial Analysis International Relation English 28 Aug 2026

INDIA’S RETURN TO ITS CENTRAL ASIAN NEIGHBOURHOOD (TH)

 

 

GS Paper II: "India and its neighbourhood- relations" and "Bilateral, regional

and global groupings and agreements involving India and/or affecting India's interests"    

 

Introduction

 

 India’s engagement with the five Central Asian Republics (CARs) Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan represents a vital pillar of its "extended neighbourhood" policy, anchored historically in Silk Road commercial exchanges and shared civilizational linkages. While post-1947 geopolitical barriers and chronic instability in Afghanistan severed direct land connectivity, evolving Eurasian power dynamics have necessitated a major strategic alignment.

 

Driven by the imperative to counter balance Chinese economic expansionism under the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), secure vital energy reserves and critical mineral supply chains for its domestic energy transition, and safeguard regional security in its northern backyard, New Delhi is pursuing a multi-pronged continental strategy.

 

Institutionalized frameworks such as the biennial India–Central Asia Summit, the development of the multi-modal International North–South Transport Corridor (INSTC), and operational access via Iran's Chabahar Port underscore India's determination to overcome geographical constraints, assert its continental footprint, and preserve a balanced, multi-vector foreign policy in Eurasia.

 

Geostrategic Imperatives Behind Diplomatic Pivot

 

1.       Countering Regional Imbalances & Multi-Vector Diplomacy:  Central Asia sits at the heart of Eurasian geopolitics. As Central Asian Republics (CARs) pursue a multi-vector foreign policy to prevent over-reliance on traditional power centers like Russia and China, India offers a natural balancing partner. Deepening ties allows New Delhi to preserve strategic space in continental Eurasia, complementing its maritime presence in the Indo-Pacific.

 

2.     Balancing Chinese Influence: China’s rapid economic expansion in Central Asia via the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and the C+C5 (China + 5 Central Asian States) framework has created significant economic leverage in the region. By offering alternatives based on sustainable development, capacity building, and transparent connectivity, India aims to provide CARs with diversified economic options without sovereign debt risks.

3.     Regional Security and Post-Taliban Realities: The geopolitical shift in Afghanistan remains a major security imperative for both India and the CARs. Shared concerns regarding state-sponsored terrorism, violent extremism, religious radicalization, and illicit arms and drug trafficking along the Golden Crescent demand coordinated counter-terrorism intelligence sharing and defense cooperation (e.g., Joint Military Exercises KAZIND and DUSTLIK).

4.    Multilateral Alignment: Engaging with Central Asia allows India to maximize its presence in key Eurasian multilateral institutions, primarily the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) and the Conference on Interaction and Confidence-Building Measures in Asia (CICA), reinforcing New Delhi’s role as a major Eurasian actor.

Geo-Economic Realities, Energy, and Critical Minerals:

 

1.       Energy Security: Central Asia possesses immense hydrocarbon and nuclear material reserves essential for India's growing energy demand. Kazakhstan remains one of India’s largest suppliers of crude oil and civil nuclear uranium. Projects like the Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India (TAPI) natural gas pipeline, despite operational hurdles, highlight the long-term energy integration goals between South and Central Asia.

2.     Strategic Access to Critical Minerals: As India accelerates its clean energy transition, semiconductor manufacturing, and electric mobility targets, access to critical minerals (such as lithium, cobalt, and rare earth elements) found in Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan becomes essential. Strategic partnerships in mining and processing serve as a buffer against global supply chain disruptions.

3.     Economic Opportunities Beyond Traditional Trade: Bilateral trade between India and Central Asia remains modest at under $2.5 billion, significantly below potential. Expanding economic engagement beyond commodities into pharmaceuticals, IT services, agricultural machinery, and Digital Public Infrastructure (DPI) offers high-growth avenues for Indian enterprises in Central Asian markets.

Connectivity Imperatives and Infrastructure Corridors

1.       Overcoming the "Geography of Conflict”:  The primary bottleneck in Indo-Central Asian economic integration is the lack of direct land access due to geopolitical hostility with Pakistan and instability in Afghanistan. To bypass these land constraints, India has prioritized maritime-land hybrid trade routes.

2.     Development of Chabahar Port: The Iranian port of Chabahar specifically the Shahid Beheshti Terminal operated   

by India acts as a commercial gateway connecting Mumbai to Central Asia. Joint Working Groups involving India,

Iran, Uzbekistan, and Kazakhstan are optimizing this transit node to lower logistics overheads.






3.     International North–South Transport Corridor (INSTC): The 7,200-km multi-modal INSTC network (linking India, Iran, the Caspian Sea, Russia, and Central Asia) serves as a key alternative trade route. Integrating Chabahar into the INSTC framework reduces transit time by nearly 40% and costs by 30% compared to traditional maritime routes via the Suez Canal.


 

4.    Complementary Frameworks: India’s accession to the Ashgabat Agreement (an international transport and transit corridor facilitating trade between Central Asia and the Persian Gulf) further streamlines regulatory, customs, and transit protocols across regional borders.

Structural Challenges


1.       Severe Connectivity Deficit: Despite progress on Chabahar and INSTC, infrastructure gaps, complex customs procedures, high freight costs, and sanctions-related banking restrictions on Iran complicate smooth commercial operations.

2.     Trade Asymmetry and Chinese Dominance: China’s bilateral trade with Central Asia exceeds $90 billion, driven by cross-border gas pipelines and physical railway links (e.g., the China–Kyrgyzstan–Uzbekistan railway). India’s relatively small commercial footprint leaves it at a competitive disadvantage in physical infrastructure investment.

3.     Traditional Russian Hegemony: Russia remains the primary security guarantor for CARs through the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) and holds strong economic ties via the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). Navigating regional dynamics requires New Delhi to maintain a delicate diplomatic balance between Moscow and Central Asian capitals.

4.    Security Instability in the Neighbourhood:  Continued volatility in Afghanistan and the risk of trans-border terror networks threaten transit corridor reliability and discourage large-scale private sector investments in regional transport networks.

Conclusion

 

From the Government of India’s strategic perspective, Central Asia remains an indispensable pillar of its extended neighbourhood, vital for securing continental security, diversifying critical energy and mineral supply chains, and balancing Eurasian geopolitics. By converting historical civilizational goodwill into tangible economic partnerships, New Delhi is committed to operationalizing key connectivity vectors like the Chabahar Port and INSTC to overcome geographical barriers. Moving forward, India’s sustained engagement will rely on integrating digital public infrastructure, expanding capacity-building initiatives, and fostering multi-vector diplomacy to establish a resilient, secure, and shared economic future across Central Asia.

SOURCE: https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/indias-return-to-its-central-asian-neighbourhood/article71397477.ece


Questions

 

"India’s engagement with the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) is driven by geographical imperatives rather than ideological alignment." Discuss the challenges and opportunities for India within the SCO framework. (10 Marks / 150 Words)


Introduction


According to official briefs from the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA), India became a full member of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) in 2017. India's diplomatic engagement is guided by Prime Minister Narendra Modi's SECURE framework—an acronym representing Security, Economic development, Connectivity, Unity, Respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, and Environment/Youth engagement.
Grounded in this vision, India views its presence in the SCO as a geographic imperative to secure its extended northern neighbourhood and foster regional stability.




Opportunities

       I.     Regional Security & Counter-Terrorism: Offers a direct platform to engage Eurasian powers via mechanisms like the Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure (RATS) to counter cross-border terrorism, extremism, and narcotics trafficking.


     II.   Connectivity & Energy Access: Facilitates engagement with Central Asian Republics (CARs) for energy, critical minerals, and trade, leveraging projects like the Chabahar Port and the International North–South Transport Corridor (INSTC).


  III.    Strategic Autonomy: Enables a multi-vector foreign policy by balancing ties between Western partnerships (e.g., Quad) and Eurasian forums, preserving India’s independent decision-making.


Challenges

          I.            China-Pakistan Axis: The growing strategic alignment between Beijing and Islamabad within the bloc complicates consensus on key regional security matters

.

        II.            Divergent Security Visions: Addressing double standards on terrorism remains difficult when member states shield cross-border terror actors.


       III.            Anti-Western Drift & Sovereignty Concerns: Countering attempts to turn the SCO into an anti-Western or China-centric platform (e.g., Belt and Road Initiative expansion), while ensuring connectivity projects respect territorial sovereignty.

Conclusion

Despite institutional friction and divergent member priorities, active participation in the SCO remains indispensable for India to secure its northern continental backyard, manage Eurasian geopolitics, and protect its core security interests.

 

 

 

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